Like all the best politicians, Simone Veil defies most conventional wisdom. As French President Valery Giscard d'Estaing's Minister of Health since 1974, she championed what might have been politically suicidal positions: among them, legalized abortion (85 percent of the French population is Roman Catholic) and a ban on cigarette advertising (tobacco is a monopoly of the French state). While battling fiercely for women's rights, Veil (pronounced VAY) managed to create an image as a fashion-savvy Parisienne with perfect coifs and suits by Chanel—and as a devoted mother and grandmother. For the past four years she has consistently been named the most popular public figure in France. Yet she is one of the most powerful—and controversial—feminists in the world.

Last month Veil, 52, was named the first president of the nine Common Market countries' newly elected European parliament. For a body of uncertain powers set on a hairbreadth course between the sovereignty of its members and European unity, she was an auspicious choice. One of the few French politicians respected equally by Giscard and the leader of the Socialist party, François Mitterrand, Veil has somehow managed to avoid party affiliation throughout her career—and to score high marks even among her opponents for charm, will and political cunning.

Her dedication is often traced to early tragedy: When she was 17 she and her affluent Jewish family were rounded up by the Gestapo and sent to Auschwitz. Only she and a sister survived. After the war she burrowed into college-level studies in law and political science. Her husband, Antoine, now head of the French airline UTA, persuaded her to switch from legal practice to the less-demanding duties of magistrate. "I want a wife who won't be totally consumed by her profession," he said, "and who can look after her children." But the compromise made little difference: A judge by 1956, she moved through the ranks at the Ministry of Justice until joining Health in 1974. Her plea in the National Assembly that year for legalized abortion is still vividly remembered. In the midst of a night-long debate, a deputy who was opposed to her bill and unaware of her wartime experiences suddenly asked: "Madame, do you want to send babies into the oven?" Controlling her tears, Veil refused to delay the vote. The bill's passage that night by a wide margin marked the beginning of her soaring popularity.

A few days after her recent election, Pamela Andriotakis of PEOPLE spoke to Veil about her hopes for the new parliament in Strasbourg and the state of women's rights.

A few years ago you expressed a desire not to make politics your whole life, explaining that you were a mother and wife as well as a cabinet minister. Why did you accept your new post?

On a personal level I no longer have the difficulties that young women have in organizing a career. My three sons are grown up now [they are a doctor, a lawyer and a student]. But I am still deeply concerned about the problems facing young women.

What sort of problems?

Women's rights have not fully developed in the way we had hoped. There are many more women in positions of social responsibility today. Our European parliament has a greater proportion of women than any other—65 of 409 members—and it is a good sign that we have women as heads of government in Great Britain and Portugal. But at the same time many politicians and businessmen fear that women are crowding the employment market. They are also worried that every working woman means one less child born, thus leading to a reduction in population. They reason that women who don't work will have more children. Consciously or unconsciously, these uninformed and influential leaders have tried to discourage women from pursuing careers.

What attitude should the business establishment take toward working mothers?

If society wants to be coherent, it must accept the fact that when a woman has a child she may indeed present certain inconveniences, but that it is no reason for dismissal. We must safeguard a woman's right to recycle in and out of the work force.

The effectiveness of the European parliament is in some doubt. Realistically, what impact do you think it will have?

As long as issues are well prepared and debated, I don't see how our parliament can help but influence opinion in the Common Market countries—among both the public and the governments. We are stunned at the extent to which people remain insulated from the concerns of neighboring countries. If we can provide new sources of information, that will be something in itself. I also trust that the female point of view will be noticed by the male-dominated parliaments of the nine member nations.

Do you think women are counting on you in your new job?

Yes. But it is necessary now that we don't simply think about symbols but that we have influence in decision-making.

Might the parliament deal with issues like abortion?

General European legislation on abortion would be next to impossible. Like all topics that govern private life—such as parental authority—abortion is very specific to the moral mood of each country. Regarding women, I would say the vital matters of guaranteed employment and legal equality are two issues on which we could make a difference.

How has the new job affected your personal life?

At first I thought I would have more time to garden, read and go to movies. Right now it doesn't look that way. I have had to move around constantly between Luxembourg, Paris and Strasbourg. But with the summer lull my husband and I are taking our first long vacation in five years. Nonetheless, I'm taking piles of work with me.

Do you feel you've had to sacrifice anything in terms of femininity to be effective in a man's world?

I think I've been able to maintain my femininity without overdoing it. There were periods when I was too busy to have my hair done—it was a mistake. I simply feel better if I am well-dressed and well-coiffed. Those things still count.

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